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Hollinger Corp. 
pH 8.5 



Copy 1 



REBORN POLAND 

by 

A. M. JASIENSKI 

late 

INSTRUCTOR AND COMPANY COMMANDER 
of the 

ROYAL SCHOOL OF INFANTRY 

at 

HALIFAX, N. S. 

WITH FIVE MAPS AND ONE CHART 

by 

CAPTAIN J. REID, R. E. 



Reborn Poland 

by 

A. M. JASIENSKI 



REBORN POLAND 

by 

A. M. JASIENSKI 

m 

late 

INSTRUCTOR AND COMPANY COMMANDER 

of the 

ROYAL SCHOOL OF INFANTRY 

at 

HALIFAX, N. S. 

WITH FIVE MAPS AND ONE CHART 

by 

CAPTAIN J. REID, R. E. 



Copyright, 1919 



Of D. 

MAH 14 J9J9 



To 

WOODROW WILSON 

President of the U. S. A. 
FIRST CHAMPION OF THE POLISH CAUSE 

RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY THE AUTHOR 



\ 



NOTICE FROM PUBLISHER TO READERS. 



This booklet is written by Alexander M. Jasienski, an Author and 
Journalist with wide experience both as English and Polish writer. 
Mr. Jasienski knows each and every part of Old Poland. In March, 
1913, in a series of articles written in Polish entitled "Poland and the 
Future War" he not only predicted the great War, but foretold the 
part which Poland is going to play in it. In 1915 on behalf of the 
Polish National Council he made a speaking tour over the States, 
visiting more than 200 Polish colonies and travelling over 12,000 miles. 
To show the sincerity of his statment he enlisted as a Private in the 
97th Batallion, American Legion of the Canadian Expeditionary 
Forces, subsequently receiving a commission and appointment as an 
instructor of an Officers' Training School at Halifax, N. S. Afterwards 
he proceeded overseas with a French-Canadian Unit. 

Captain John Reid, who has kindly drawn the maps for this pub- 
lication, was for years Reuter's Agency correspondent in Vienna, and 
has a great knowledge of the Slavs' problem. He was for years 
Foreign Editor on the staff of some of the leading London dailies. 



PREFACE. 



o 

Being asked to write a short booklet on Liberated Poland and 
what provinces should be given her, I accepted the offer as I regarded 
the request not only as an honor, but also as a duty as a Pole and 
Journalist to do it. Being still in the Army, I am trying my best to 
fulfill my task, creditably, having at my disposal a very limited time. 
The work itself is not easy as it is hard to get reliable statistics, but I 
think I will convince the readers that Poland has historical and ethno- 
logical rights — to own what is hers — and what her enemies wish to 
deny her. At the same time I must acknowledge the help rendered 
in my work by Captain John Reid, Royal Engineers, in drawing maps 
and making valuable suggestions. All maps are drawn after F. W. 
Putzger's Historical School Atlas, 18th edition, Pichler & Sons, 
Vienna. This atlas was used by order of the Austrian Ministry of 
Education in all schools and as such must be accepted as undeniable 
authority. Whereas, larger works like Kiepert, Schrader, Spruner- 
Menke, Wolff, etc. are not officially endorsed. 

MONTREAL, JANUARY, 1919. 



ROUND THE POLISH QUESTION. 

The War is won, but the War is not vet over. The real struggle 
is only going to begin at the conference table at Versailles. Germany, 
defeated in open warfare will try by all means to win the War at the 
Peace Conference. Lord Eversley, the Victorian 'Statesman and 
Cabinet Minister during Gladstone's and Rosebery's Administrations 
and a distinguished writer, rightly says 1 "The solution of the Polish 
Question is the main issue of the War." 

Strong and powerful Poland means the end of Germany's aspira- 
tion to the supremacy over the world — WEAK POLAND means 
Poland and Russia, sooner or later, under German economical and 
political control. The satisfactory solution of the Polish question is 
really the solution of the problem of Peace and Order in Europe. 

Evidences of the past Peace Congresses show, that often, "hidden 
hands" played tricks of the most unexpected kind. Lord Eversley 
states that if at the Vienna Congress, Poland was not reconstituted as 
it was in 1772, before its partition, 2 since the idea was strongly opposed 
by England and France. 

What belonged to Poland before the partition is known to every- 
one, but still there are some people who regard the just demand of 
Poland as unjustified. So we never heard a judge say to a man 
prosecuting a robber caught with stolen goods, able to justify them, 
that his case is unjust. But politics and diplomacy have their own 
peculiar ways. For the above reason I will give in detail all lands 
which Poland claims as her own, and such details as proves her undis- 
putable right to have them. 

The Allied Governments missed a great opportunity by not insist- 
ing right at the beginning of the War on Russia to declare independence 
of Poland, and at once form a Polish Army. If that would have been 
done the War would have been over long ago. The collapse of Russia 
would not have occurred, or if it did happen the Armies of Poland 
would have still remained on the Eastern front. It was an act not only of 
justice but also of great disinterested statesmanship— the raising of the 
Polish question — by President Woodrow Wilson. President Wilson's 
declaration made on behalf of Poland, January 8th, 1918, will remain 
forever in the memory of Poles. Mr. Lloyd George's reference to 
Poland on the 7th of January, 1918, "of an independent Poland com- 

lu (The Partition of Poland)" (Dodd, Mead & Co.) page 316. 
2 All italics in quotations are mine. 



9 



prising all those genuinely Polish elements who desire to form part 
of it" is eminently unsatisfactory. 

After the publication by Lord Eversley's book "How Poland Saved 
France" (Chapter VII., pages 152-3-4) in which the author makes 
England responsible for the third position of Poland and proves it by 
records from the British Foreign Office. The very British Government 
who thought its own Minister advised Poland to make a Treaty with 
Prussia, practically at the same time gave to Prussia permission to 
invade Poland and turn the very Treaty made upon the advice of a 
British Ministry into a scrap of paper. 

In spring, 179Jf., Poland was invaded by P?*ussia with British 
Government permission by Prussian troops paid with British gold. Of 
such action of Lord Grenville, Foreign Secretary of the Pitt Adminis- 
tration Lord Eversley says (page 154) : "subject to a mild and ineffec- 
tive protest, he was offering to make England a party to a concert, one 
part of which was the giving of compensation for expenses of the War 
from a neutral and unoff ending nation. It is difficult under these cir- 
cumstances to acquit Pitt and his government of some share of respons- 
ibility for the undoing and subsequent partition of Poland." Mr. Lloyd 
George says: "Polish elements who desire to form a part of it." The 
best proof of what the Poles want is the sentiment of the Poles in 
the U. S. A. In the United States there are Poles from every part of 
Poland; in fact if not from every village, at least from every district 
and province of Poland. 

One thousand delegates, elected by over four millions of Poles 
in the U. S. A. gathered in a convention in Detroit, on August 26th, 
1918, and unanimously passed a resolution in which among others, 
they say: 

"The goal, the desire, and the aim of every Pole has always 
been, is at this time, and shall ever be. the redemption of all Polish 
territory, including Gdansk (Dantzig) the natural and ancient 
harbor of Poland, and the reconstruction of a unified and inde- 
pendent Republic of Poland. In our labors to attain this goal we 
shall not shirk from any sacrifice of heart, wealth, nor life. 

"Poland desires liberty, and must have it. Poland desires liberty 
not only for herself, but for all oppressed nations. Poland desires 
liberty and consolidation for the Czechs and Slovaks, for the 
Jugo-Slavs, for wronged Roumania, for Poland's sister — Lithu- 
ania — with whom Poland will live in harmony and love. 

"True to her national spirit, and the traditions of her past, 
Poland, on regaining her own liberty, will never oppress her own 
inhabitants. 

"Equal rights will be guaranteed to all citizens of Poland, 
regardless of race, religion, or political views." 

10 



"The Polish people of the U. S. A. through the medium of dele- 
gates reperesenting all Poles — mostly working men or small farmers- — 
from all the States of the Union, ask only what they have a right to 
ask — the Independence and Freedom of the land of their brothers, 
sisters, fathers, — the land which was their s for twenty-one centuries, 
till the Russians, Austrians and Prussians helped by English money 
took it away from them. 

The Poles of the U. S. A., being in the Land of the Free, can 
express their opinion without being afraid of being persecuted or 
imprisoned for it; something which even now they cannot do in many 
parts of Poland occupied by Germans. I presume that such expression 
of the wish of the Poles will satisfy Mr. Lloyd George, as any other 
expression means bloodshed. I don't think the British Prime Minister 
meant that the Poles in the part occupied by Germany should prove 
their desire to form a part of Poland by a new version of Sicilian 
Vespers. 

I am quite sure, that if Lord Eversley's book * was better known 
in England, the British people would certainly express their wishes 
about Poland in a more concrete form than that of the Prime Minister, 
as England owes Poland reparation, for the wrong done to her by 
Pitt's Administration, for which the British people must take the 
responsibility, especially as such reparation will bring England also 
benefits in the future, and now can be done with little mental exertion. 

The Allied Powers at Versailles have an opportunity to show the 
whole world that they really understand that Right should rule the 
world and not Might. The best way they can do it, is by giving 
Poland what she has a right to have. 

THE PRESENT SITUATION IN POLAND. 

It seems that some one is interested in sending from Poland con- 
flicting news about things going on or supposed to happen. One does 
not need to be a wise man to guess that all such news is manufactured 
in Berlin, with an object to misrepresent the actual condition in 
Poland. At present there is in Warsaw, Poland, a self-appointed 
government, which has some troops. The said government has a rather 
hard task; they must protect Poland from the East, from the Russian 
and Ukrainian Bolsheviks, besides they must maintain order in 

* T. Fisher Unwin, Ltd., London, Publishers. 



11 



the country infested not only by marauders of German and Russian 
Armies, but also by all kinds of malefactors, who like to take advan- 
tage of the present unsettled condition. Knowing as we do, that the 
Germans removed practically all the food which they could carry 
away, the condition in the rural districts must be bad, and in town and 
cities beyond description. Hunger is a poor adviser. But I do not 
think that anywhere except in Lodz and perhaps some other smaller 
manufacturing cities like Tomaszow or Zgierz, that any real serious 
trouble may occur. 

Lodz with suburbs, before the War, had over half a million popu- 
lation, of all nationalities with quite a large percentage of Germans, 
mostly working men. As now all the cotton and woollen mills are at 
a standstill there must be general unemployment and misery and ter- 
rible suffering. In the provinces inhabited by Poles, which up to the 
present were under German rule, the situation is not so critical. The 
Poles there taught in the hard school of German persecution can take 
care of themselves. No doubt the Polish Deputies elected from those 
provinces to the German Parliament are directing the people, and form 
a kind of local government. When news in the newspapers appear 
about Polish Armies occupying German towns or about some Bol- 
shevik movement there, they are intentionally misleading. No troops 
were sent there from Warsaw, because there is no need; and second, 
because none are available. But as the German Army is demobilizing, 
thousands of Poles who were obliged to serve in the German Armies, are 
returning home and no doubt in many places local militia were formed, 
and as in all those provinces, as I will show you later, the Poles are 
in majority, of course in some they supersede the local authorities. 

Such talk about Bolshevik movement in Silesia, is deliberate 
slander. There are no Polish Bolsheviks anywhere in German-Poland. 
For years the Germans tried to break the Polish unity by organizing 
Socialists among Poles, but the Germans' effort failed. At the last 
German Socialist Congress, held in 1913, the German Socialists ac- 
knowledged that all money spent there was money wasted. Out of 
many millions of Poles in German-Poland hardly four thousand adher- 
ents could they get. It is the most complimentary testimony to national 
unity and wisdom of the German-Poles. But all those who know how 
the Poles were persecuted by the Germans, will not wonder, if the 
Silesian miners refuse to dig coal for their German persecutors. Such 
action of course would be called "Bolshevism" by the Germans. Of 



12 



course, the Germans will try to bring troops, or will use gas, liquid 
fire, or will throw bombs from aeroplanes and will in such a way pro- 
voke the population. Then big trouble will arise, but they only will 
be to blame. In Galicia the conditions are fair, not much disorder 
can be expected, but there is danger in the East from Ukrainian. The 
same applies to the provinces of Grodno, Vilna, Vitebsk, Mohileff 
and Minsk, where no internal enemies exist except in the few larger 
cities. But the Bolsheviks may play havoc, as the local government is 
without arms and ammunition and depends upon such help as may come 
from Warsaw. The Province of Kovno with two districts of the 
Province of Vilna and three of Vitebsk, and Courland and Livonia, and 
part of East Prussia have formed a separate government of the Repub- 
lic of Lithuania, recognized as well by Poles in Europe as in the 
U. S. A. Their only enemies are Germans in the West, and Bolshe- 
viks in the East. It is in the interest of the Allies to send to Poland, 
as fast as possible, food, ammunition, arms, military supplies, to help 
them to form an Army and stop the advance of the Bolsheviks and in 
that way to restore Order and Peace. 

SOME HISTORICAL FACTS ABOUT POLAND'S RIGHTS. 

Before starting to deal with the problem of fixing boundaries of 
the Reborn Poland, I will give a short history of Poland and North- 
ern-Slavs Nations. The word "Slav," Polish Slowianin is formed from 
the Polish word common to all Slavs, "Slowo," (word) and meant 
simple people who could understand each other. Whereas their per- 
petual enemies, the Germans, were called "Niemcy" from the Polish 
word "Niemy" (dumb), as the Slavs could not understand them. 

The Bulones * of Ptolomee are the Polonus or Poles of to-day. 
They, as now, were living between Oder and Upper Dnieper, as the 
Ruthenian historian Nestor tells us. The Northern Slavs occupied, 
even in times of Herodot, Tacit, Strabo more or less the same terri- 
tory as in the Middle Ages. They were, as historians tell us, peaceful 
people devoted to agriculture, fishing and hunting. Unfortunately, 
they selected Central Europe as their home, and for this reason for 
centuries were obliged to defend their homes from various invaders. 

* Pologne, Grand Encyclopedic Pierre Larousse, Paris ; Grand Diction- 
aire, Paris; Encyclopedic L' Aldmirault ; Polen; Brockhaus or Meyers Lexikon, 
Leipzig; Histoire Generale, Lavisse et Rambaud, Paris; Roepell's Geschichte, 
Polens, 1860, Hamburg. 



13 




Map No. 1 shows the Slavs nation as they were in Europe in the year 526. The 
Slavs tribes, which formed afterwards Poland, were living then as now, 
between Oder and Niemen (Nemel) and Dnieper. 



In 526 (see map No. 1) the last German tribe which temporarily 
settled among them having moved west, we find that the Slavs occupied 
the whole Central Europe from the River Elbe in the West, to the 
River Dnieper in the East, and from the Baltic Sea in the North, to 
the River Danube in the South. To the North of River Memel 
(Niemen) were Finnish nations, Estonians and Lithouanian tribes, 
the last named afterwards moved West and occupied on the shore of 
the Baltic Sea what is now called East Prussia, cutting the access to 
the Sea to one of the Polish tribes, the Mazur. The leading Polish 
tribes were: Obotrycy, who occupied the present Meklenbourg — Lubeck 
(Lubicz, Kiel (Kilonia). More south in the Northern Brandenburg 
East from the Elbe, were living the Vilcy called also Lutycy. On the 
Upper Elbe in present Saxony were settled the Northern Serbs — the 
Lusitians, the remainder of the present Brandenbourg was settled by 
various tribes of Vendi. Between the River Oder and Bug and the 
Carpathian Mountains, Poles; the Pomeranians and Kassubians near 



14 



the Baltic, then Cuyavians, Mazurs, Grand Poles, Little Poles, Sile- 
sian and Chrobatians (Cracovians). On the East, behind the Rivers 
Bug and San were settled other Slavs, now known as Ruthenians. The 
Poles as well as Ruthenians apply the word Rus to the White, Red, 
Black or Little Russians, people of pure Slavs blood. 

The People who inhabited North of Dnieper on River Volga and 
its confluents are mostly of Finnish or Turanic origin, who conquered 
by some of the Slavs, Ruthenian Dukes, accepted the language of their 
Slav's conqueror and were first known as Muscovits and afterwards 
as Grand Russians, are not Slavs, neither historically nor ethnograph- 
ically. Their languages differ from other Slavs by a mixture of many 
foreign words and like that of the Bulgarians has a strong Turanic 
touch. 

The Slavs did not form any large state, till continuous wars with 
their Western neighbors, the Germans, forced them to organize. The 
first great ruler known to history was Samo (623-658) who ruled 




Map No. 2 shows Poland under Boleslaus III., the shaded portion in Lusatia 
conquered by Boleslaus I., the Brave, in 1025. 



15 



over the Vends, Northern Serbs, Czech, Moravians and Slovaks, was 
very successful in his wars with Germans and Avarians. 

The first ruler of Poland who adopted Christianity was Miecislas 
I. (962). His son, Boleslaus the Brave, (992-1025) not only defended 
his country against continuously growing aggression of the German 
Emperors, but was proclaimed by Emperor Otto, King of Poland. 
He extended his rule up the Saale and Spree (see map No. 2). 

The Karolingian Dynasty having conquered and subjugated all 
German States, tried to conquer the Slavs on the Eastern side of the 
Elbe; their efforts were not very successful. But when Henry I. 
became King of Germany he tried new methods. He used to invade 
the Slavish countries and kill all inhabitants, in that way spreading 
terror everywhere. That is the way all inhabitants of Magdebourg 
(Drzewin) were dealt with. Margrave Gero employed that method, 
adding to this treachery. Many of the small Slavish Rulers in present 
Meklenbourg (Zwierzyn) and Brandebourg (Zgorzele) preferred to 
accept Christianity and take German wives than to be exterminated. 
The name of Brandebourg (burned towns) stands as an immortal 
monument for the "True German Kultur" "fire and sword." 

In dealing with Poland the German intermixed peaceful penetra- 
tion with the armed one as several times the last one badly failed, 
especially during the reign of Boleslaus III. (1102-1139) when the 
German Army was annihilated in great battle near Breslau called 
Hundsfeld, as dogs attended to the burials of slain Germans. The 
last named king extended the rule of Poland beyond the lower Oder 
over the whole Pomerania (see map No. 2). During the reign of 
Leszek V. (1226) Conrad, Duke of Masovia introduced Teutonic 
order, then expelled from the Holy land into Poland with the idea that 
they will help him to conquer and convert the Lithuanian Tribe called 
Prussians. The order itself conquered or rather annihilated the 
Prussians, but also wanted to conquer Poland and gave much trouble 
to Poland till, in 1410 after the most bloody battle of the history of 
the world fought at Gruenwald, in which 100,000 Germans were slain 
in five hours, the power of the order was broken, and in 1466 the 
whole of Prussia became part of Poland (see map No. 3). 

In 1386, Wladyslaw Jagiello by marrying the Queen of Poland 
Hedwig, joined all the Northern Slavs' countries, except those between 
the Rivers Elbe and Oder which recognized the supremacy of the 
German Emperor. Gedymin (1316-41) Duke of Lithuania, (a non- 



16 



Slav nation ), conquered all Slavs living east of Poland. His state 
extended from the Baltic to the Black Sea, and from the boundaries of 
Poland up to the Valdai Height well over the River Dnieper. His 
son, Olgierd, successfully continued the work of his father, and was 
not only able to repulse the continuous attacks of the Teutonic order, 
but also to defeat the Tartars. The country over which they ruled 
was called Lithuania, but besides the border of the Baltic Sea, which 
was inhabited by Lithuanian Tribes, Prussian, Samogitian, Letts 
the remainder was purely Slav country and the official language of the 
country was always White Russian (Ruthenian). 




POLAND 

OF THE 

JAGELON 

1386- 'S7» 



n OSCOWJ 



MOSCOW 



dant2, Vprussia < 



LITHUANIA 




I GRAND PODtASiA 
POLAND 



CZECH 



\CKACOW 
i o 



VOLHYN I A 

LITTLE oK iEv 



». SLOVAKIA 



P0LAND* UMKR * 



U K R A Nl A 



Map No. 3 shows Poland and Lithuania united under the rule of the Jagelon 
Dynasty, shaded Czechy, Slovak and Silesia in 1526, after the death of 
King- Louis II. passed by family arrangement to the Hapsbourgs 



During the reign of the Jagellon family, Poland was the largest 
state in Europe as it extended over 350,000 square miles in one com- 
pact mass from Baltic Sea to nearly the Black Sea, then Moldavia and 
Valachia (now Roumania) were property of Poland, all with exception 
of Lithuania of the same race voluntarily united (Horodlo 1413 and 
Lublin 1569) for mutual benefit. Poland was continuously subject to 
defensive wars with Turkey and often with the Grand Dukes of 
Muscovy. 



17 



The story of Silesia is closely related to that of Poland and 
Czechs (Bohemia), both countries having often the same king, or 
were ruled by kinsmen, and Silesia was disposed by family agreement. 
But Silesia was not a part of Germany even when conquered by Fred- 
erick the Great in 1742. 

During the reign of John Casimir, Poland lost Ducal Prussia with 
Koenigsberg and also Kieff and some Ruthenian provinces (1667) 
ceeded to the Tzar of Moscow. The partition of Poland (1772, 1793, 
1795) are too well known and therefore there is no need to write about 
them, but one unknown fact I wish to point out is that not a single 
part of Poland taken by the House of Hohenzollern, who called them- 
selves King of Prussia, was part of Germany . All historical atlases, 
especially that of Putzger's (map No. 25) distinctly show that Prussia 
and Silesia are the property of the Elector of Brandebourg, and not 
a part of the Germanic confederation. Silesia became only a part of 
Germany after the congress of Vienna (1815) and the duchy of Posen 
and Prussia only on Jaunary 18th, 1871. When in Versailles the 
German Princes proclaimed the King of Prussia Emperor of Germany, 
then only Prussia and Posen (that is the so-called German-Poland) 
became with Alsace-Lorraine a part of the German Empire. To-day 
Alsace-Lorraine is returned to France. Who has the right to keep 
Poland's property away from Poles? The only link between the 
so-called German-Poland and Germany was Wilhelm, the descendant 
of the predatory Vassals of Poland. Kaiser Wilhelm is no more ruler 
of Germany; that link is forever broken. The German people under 
the international law can have no claim whatever to Poland, because at 
no time was it theirs. The Vienna Congress at which, thanks to the 
British and French representatives, the reunion of all parts of Poland 
was prevented, made certain regulations to protect the national rights 
of the Poles. 

The legal and historical basis of the relation of the Poles to the 
Russian, Prussian and Austrian States, are the provisions of the 
Congress of Vienna contained in the Act closing, the Congress (Acte 
Finale, of June 9, 1815), which was to constitute the guarantee of the 
treaties concluded on May 3, 1815, between Russia and Prussia, and 
between Russia and Austria. 

The recommendation of Lord Castlereagh, in his circular of Jan- 
uary 12, 1815, to the plenipotentiaries, that "the illustrious monarchs 
to whom the destinies of the Polish nation are confided, may be induced, 



18 



before they depart from Vienna, to take an engagement with each 
order to treat as Poles, under whatever form of political institution 
they may think fit to govern them, the portions of that nation that may 
be placed under their respective sovereignties" was adopted by the 
three Powers. Russia declared her intention of "reuniting a portion 
of the Polish Nation to their empire by constitutional bonds;" Austria 
"shared the liberal views of the Emperor Alexander in favor of national 
institutions which his Imperial Majesty had determined to give the 
Poles/' and Prussia informed Lord Castlereagh "that the principles 
developed in his note on the manner of administering the Polish prov- 
inces placed under the dominon of the different Powers in conformity 
with the sentiments of his majesty." 

The provisions for the future conditions of Poland are contained 
in the first fourteen articles of the Treaty of Vienna. The first and 
most important of these articles relates in its first section to the 
Kingdom of Poland (erected by the Congress of Vienna out of the 
Grand Duchy of Warsaw, which had been created by Napoleon out 
of a part of Prussian Poland) and in its second section to the Poles 
of the rest of the Polish State of 1772, who were divided by the Con- 
gress of Vienna between Russia, Prussia and Austria. This article * 
read as follows: 

Art. I- The Duchy of Warsaw, with the exception of the 
provinces and districts that are otherwise disposed of by the fol- 
lowing articles (the parts of the Duchy receded to Prussia and 
to Austria, and the Republic of Cracow), is united to the Russian 
Empire, to which it shall be irrevocably attached to its constitu- 
tion, to be possessed by his Majesty the Emperor of all the Rus- 
sians, his heirs and successors, in perpetuity. His Imperial Maj- 
esty reserves to himself the right to give to this State, enjoying a 
distinct administration, such an interior (territorial) extension as 
he shall regard as fit. He shall assume with his other titles, the 
title of King of Poland, agreeably to the form used and sanc- 
tioned for the titles attached to his other possessions. 

"The Poles that are subjects respectively of Russia, Austria and 
Prussia, shall obtain a representation, and national institutions reg- 
ulated by the mode of political existence that each of the govern- 
ments to which they will belong, will regard as useful and proper 
to grant them." 

Art. II. gives the Duchy of Posen to Prussia, and defines, on 
the side of Prussia as on that of Russia, the limits within which 
the Polish inhabitants are to have "a representation and national 
institution." Articles III., IV. and V. define the territory of Aus- 
trian Poland. Articles VI. to X. relate to the city and territory of 

* Some notes relating to Congress of Vienna are taken from "Nationality 
of Poland" by W. Perkowski, "Free Poland" Vol. I.. No. 18, based on West- 
minster Rev. and London Quarterly (of 1863) and the Electio Mag. (of 
Jan. 1864). 



19 



Cracow, which was made a free city. Articles XL, XII. and XIII- 
relate to political trials. 

Art. XIV- is important, as giving an additional proof of the 
intention of the treaty to guarantee the nationality of the whole 
of Poland. That article quotes and confirms the articles in treaties 
between Russia and Prussia, establishing the right of the means of 
Communication and of the free exchange of the products of agri- 
culture and of industry on the whole extent of the old Republic 
of Poland. Finally, as if to remove all possible doubt as to the 
principles by which the Congress was actuated in its settlement 
of Poland, Article III. of the Treaty between Russia and Prus- 
sia, which by Article CXVIII. of the Treaty of Vienna is to be 
. considered 'fart of the general enactments of the Congress, and is 
to have the same weight and value as if it had been inserted word 
for word in the general treaty-" says: 

"The Poles, subjects respectively of the high contracting par- 
ties, shall obtain institutions that shall insure the preservation of 
their nationality, in such form as each of the governments to which 
they belong, may think it useful and proper to grant them." 

After examining carefully the different phases of the negotiations 
of the Congress of Vienna and the treaty provisions in which those 
negotiations resulted, it is impossible for any unprejudiced mind to 
entertain the shadow of a doubt that it was the evident intention of the 
Treaty to preserve — by giving a constitution to the Kingdom of Poland, 
and National Institutions to the rest of the old Republic of Poland — 
the nationality of the Poles, as some compensation to Western Europe 
for the loss of the Poles' independence. 

It was at the Congress of Vienna, that the diplomacy of Europe 
for the first time took cognizance of a nationality — and that was the 
nationality of Poland. The principle, that governments are made for 
nations, not nations for governments, — that great principle which the 
French Revolution had stamped in letters of blood on the pages of 
history was recognized, though partially and unwillingly, by the reac- 
tionist framers of the Treaty of Vienna, and in that treaty for the 
first time appeared the word "nationality," a word that has since then 
conveyed ideas of such dreadful import to the despotism of Europe. 

It would seem that in 1815, the great Powers were struck with 
sudden remorse in respect to Poland and her wrongs. At the very 
moment that they were solemnly delivering her Provinces to Austria, 
Prussia and Russia, they multiplied protective guarantees and actually 
strove to maintain a national bond between the diverse parts of the 
divided nation. The Treaty of Vienna recognized in fullest measure 
both the Kingdom of Poland and the Polish Provinces delivered to 
Russia, Prussia and Austria, and made different provisions in regard 
to these parts of the former Republic of Poland respectively. In the 



20 



Austrian portion, Cracow was to be a free city, its independence and 
neutrality being guaranteed in perpetuity. A part of the Grand Duchy 
of Warsaw was henceforth to be styled the "Kingdom of Poland under 
the Russan crown/' — so that the national name still lives diplomatic- 
ally, ready, whenever the time comes for reconstituting the whole of 
the Polish State. The "preservation of their nationality/' was espe- 
cially secured also to the Poles under Austria and Prussia, and, as if 
to make amends for their separation, all the Polish Provinces were 
united in a sort of customs-union, establishing free traffic, transit and 
navigation through every parti of old Poland; the privileges of this 
commercial treaty extending to the frontiers that existed before the 
first partition. In fact, the conquerors are spoken of in these arrange- 
ments as strangers. The words of the Emperor-King Alexander L., 
when promulgating the Polish Constitution of 1815, are the best 
comment on all this: "Your restoration is assured by solemn treaties, 
which give Poland henceforth an honorable place among the European 
nations. Your language will be used in all public records ; all State 
appointments will be filled by Poles only ; you have unshackled com- 
merce and free inter-communication with those portions of old Poland 
that are under other Powers ; you have your national army ; your 
national institutions ; and all this you will transmit as a heritage to your 
posterity, for it is all guaranteed to you by solemn treaty. I have 
compelled the States of Europe to ratify the acknowledgment of your 
existence." 

Little as the Treaty of Vienna did for Poland, it guaranteed 
three things: to the Kingdom of Poland, a constitution and independent 
government under a Viceroy ; to the Polish provinces, whether Russian, 
Prussian or Austrian, National Institutions; to the whole Polish coun- 
try within the limits of 1772, entire freedom of commercial intercourse. 
The main point to be kept before our eyes is, that when the Congress 
of Vienna confirmed the Polish possessions to the three robber- 
states, it did so solely on condition that the terms it secured for the 
Poles were adhered to. Of course, all conditions under which the 
robber-states got back their share of Poland were broken, most of 
them like free intercourse never even partially introduced. 

Alexander I. who really was responsible for whatever benefit 
Poland got on Paper from that Congress, was the first to forget the 
contents of the agreements signed by him. But as Poland was handed 
to robbers under certain conditions, which were not kept, now when 



21 



each and everyone of the legal heirs and signatories disappeared, the 
Poles even under the International Laws have claim to reunite all parts 
of Poland as it was before its partition in 1772, without the neces- 
sity of giving additonal proofs that they have right to have what even 
their robbers under their own signatures and seals acknowledged 
belonged to them. But, it seems that now some of the signatories of 
the Congress of Vienna, who have forgotten that they themselves at 
Vienna in 1815 acknowledged the legal title of Poland to all parts of 
Poland as it was before the first partition in 1772, seem to wish to 
dispute it for the benefit of the Germans. 

POLISH CLAIMS AT THE PEACE CONGRESS. 

Among the many difficulties, which the Polish problem represents, 
is one that the whole question is not well understood by the American 
or British public in general, nor even by authors and writers, who are 
in sympathy with the Polish nation. The reason is pure and simple. 
There are not many works of merit dealing with the history of Poland 
and her developments — statistics after her partition. Even such 
works used for references as Encyclopedias,* when dealing with Poles 
and the Polish question, give not only unreliable information, but 
often the most misleading ideas. Only such writers who know the 
French and German languages are able to get some more or less 
trustworthy material. It appears that the Allied Powers are trying 
to create a new precedent in the definition of Nationality. 

Nationality as such was first mentioned at the Congress of Vienna, 
in 1815, historical rights were regarded as sufficient to prove the claim 
of a country to a province. France got Alsace-Lorraine back on his- 
torical basis. But, now, the Powers say that Poland should prove her 
claim, not on historical basis, not on ethnographical points, but on 

* How matters referring to Poland were dealt with, the reader may judge 
from the few samples taken at random from 9th, 10th and 11th editions of the 
Encyclopedia Britannica, mostly written for that work by the Russian revolu- 
tionist, Krapotkin: Podolia Zemstvo (Provincial Council) mentioned as existing 
in 1896, when such Institutions in provinces of old Poland in Russia were intro- 
duced only after the granting of the constitution in 1905. Vilna, that's the 
Russian that took that town in 1655 and that in the following year it was ceded 
to Russia the truth is that it became Russian in 1795, after the third partition 
of Poland. 

"That Volkovysk was finally annexed to Russia after the first partition of 
Poland,"— no, but after the third in 1795. The number of Poles in the Province 
of Vilna is given as 7%. How can it be, as in the first Douma all Deputies 
elected from that province were Poles? 



22 



linguistic ethnology. I do not think the statesmen who advanced that 
request considered well the meaning of it. 

Applying that linguistic ethnological method to the British Isles 
we will find that there is practically no Scotchmen, and no Welsh 
people, because few of them can speak Gaelic or Welsh; but that 
Wales and Scotland are inhabited by English-speaking people, conse- 
quently, according to their method, they are Englishmen. Ireland, 
as a nation, of course ceased to exist. Irishmen is only an expression 
such as Cornishmen, Yorkshiremen, etc. 

Once such methods are accepted as guiding by the signatories of 
Versailles, they will become an international law. Notwithstanding that, 
I do not regard this method as a fair one, but as a work of hidden hands 
of Germany. I am not going to protest, because the case of Poland 
is so good that I can supply the American people with sufficient evi- 
dence to convince them, to be found in German publications of repute. 

The Poles want, judging from the proclamation issued by the 
Polish National Committee of Poland, August 12th, 1918, and from 
the resolution adopted by the American-Poles at the Convention in 
Detroit, the same month and year, all parts which formed part of the 
Polish State in 1772, with Silesia, to be reunited and independent. 

If the linguistic, ethnological test is applied to the so-called 
German-Poland, then of course, such claim must be granted because it 
is proven. Please look at the enclosed chart, all the white part is 
that where the majority of people use their language — the Polish 
language. It is an exact black and white copy made after Brockhaus * 
of Prussia and adjoining parts of German. I only beg to draw your 
attention to the fact that this very chart, in the original, includes a 
large part of Belgium and even France near Calais. The original is 
colored red, as Brandenbourg is marked, to show that the majority of 
people there speak not only German, but the same dialect as spoken 
in the capital of German. But in that part of Silesia, which is marked 
grey in the original, they speak the Lusatian — Silesian language — which 
is a mixture of Polish and German. Something like the English, of the 
Pennsylvania Dutch, same dialect is marked, north of Mazurian Lakes. 
Then again, a part of West Prussia not marked white, and Pomerania, 
near the Baltic Sea are marked that they speak Pomeranian. Six dia- 
lects, all very bad German, harder to understand for a German than the 
dialect spoken in Alsace-Lorraine. Of course it would be hard on the 

* Karte der Deutschen Mundarten. Brockhaus Lexikon 14th ed- 



23 



Germans if we left them people who do not speak German well. The 
Poles have neither the wish to do them a bad turn, nor the intention 
to take more Germans within the boundary of Reborn Poland than 



BALTIC 



EAST PRUSSIAN -1 




SAXON 

nil ',* n i n 



mil : 



ALL 
WH»T£ 
IS 

POLJSH. 



WW AW 



I AUSITZIAW 



CZECH 



CHART 

SHEWING 
DIVISION 

LANGOACFS. 
Wa.d 



This Linguistic Chart 



white shows where the Polish language is spoken 
by the majority of the population as is admitted by the Germans them- 
selves. It is a translated version of a German chart. Shaded portions 
show districts with mixed population, the majority there speaking- broken 
German dialect, and in most places it is hardly possible to call it either 
Polish or German. In that part are included many villages with Polish- 
speaking majorities. 



they are absolutely obliged to take. Poland wants to have only such 
territories within her boundaries, which are Polish, or such that must 
be included for geographical reasons. 



24 



THE IDEAL— SELF-DETERMINATION. 



Some people suggest self-determination as the way to solve the 
Polish boundaries question. Can such ideal methods be tried first on 
Poland? Yes and no. Yes, if the Allies would care to put their own 
garrisons in contested territories, at least for a few months or a year. 
No, if they do not want to garrison those places. The fact that a part 
of Poland was under the domination of a foreign power, in this instance, 
the Emperor of Germany, created many local problems, which would 
never permit the people to express, freely, their wishes under existing 
circumstances. Among those reasons are: 

1. Beside the real inhabitant of the country, there is a large 
floating population exclusively German; Officials, Government Con- 
tractors, etc. 

2. The condition of the armistice calls for the return of the 
troops to their original cantonment occupied before the War; that is 
the presence of some 150,000 of German troops within the border of 
Poland. 

3. The very large number of Officials, Officers and Soldiers 
entitled to pension, owing to length of service, or incapacitated in the 
present War, a large number of them even Poles, who will be afraid 
to vote for union with Poland, as in that case they think they would 
lose their pension. 

4. Then comes the question of renegades. That is practically 
all the Silesian nobility headed by the Princes Lichnowsky and 
Ratibor; in fact, any one whose name is ended in Cky, Sky, Tz or Ow. 
Of course, Posen and West Prussia supplied some, like Von Goltz 
(Golczewski), Von Batocki, Von Posadowsky, even Von Tirpitz (Cier- 
picki). Of course, it is easy to guess how all these people will vote 
if they get a chance. 

5. There are also a lot of good and honest people — Poles, who 
for the sake of their daily bread, now cannot afford to tell that they 
are Poles. A janitor at a railway station or post office would lose his 
job if he spoke Polish and was heard and such a fact was reported to 
proper authorities. 

6. How about the German colonist imported from Germany and 
settled in different districts of Poland, to strengthen the German ele- 
ment? Should they have also the right to vote? They live on Polish 
land, on farms paid by the Polish population out of taxes. 



25 



Self-determination is, and was accepted, a principle by the Poles, 
not only as a theory, but put into actual practice by recognition of the 
Republic of Lithuania. By mutual agreement between the Poles of 
Vilna and Lithuanian representatives, the new republic boundaries 
were fixed on ethnographical lines. Lithuania will comprise the whole 
Province of Kovno, Courland, Livonia, three districts of the Province 
of Vitebsk, two districts of the Province of Vilna, two and one-half 
districts of the Province of Souvalki (Russian Poland) and a large part 
of Prussia, east of a line drawn from Goldap to Labiau on the coast of 
the Baltic. In all some six and one-half millions population and about 
65,000 square miles. 

Lithuania gets what she wanted, that is, all the country where 
Lithuanians or their kinsmen, Letts, form the majority of the popula- 
tion. They refused to take Vilna, as they will have already a large 
percentage of Poles, and they do not want to form a State of which 
the Poles could get full control. Two other parts of old Poland have 
taken advantage of the possibility of deciding their own fate by ex- 
pressing their wishes. The Poles and White Russians of the Provinces 
of Vilna, Minsk, Grodno, Vitebsk, Mohiloff have informed as early 
as last May (1918) the Regency of Warsaw that they have decided to 
form a union with Poland, as they regard themselves bound by the 
Union of Horodlo (1413), Lublin (1569) and constitution of May 3, 
1791. In case the Poles of Warsaw refuse to accept their offer, they 
will form the Republic of New Poland, now that part of Poland is 
invaded by the Bolsheviki. 

In the South, in the Carpathian Mountains on the Hungarian 
side, the people living in Zips and surrounding country remembered 
that some years long past they belonged to the Republic of Poland. 
On November 5th, 1918, in a little village on the River Orava (Arva), 
a local Polish National Council was formed. Fifty-three villages, with 
a total population of some 120,000 people, have decided to join Poland. 
All these villages are in the High or Low Tatra Mountains, near the 
borders of Galicia, in the valley of three rivers, Orava (Arva), Poprad 
and Dunajec. The local government expelled the Hungarian au- 
thorities. 

The Ruthenian question will be dealt with in the ethnological 
part. As to self-determination of some districts of Prussia, or Silesia 
for reasons stated at the beginning of this article, the Poles can only 
agree if the German garrisons are replaced by neutral troops, and the 



26 



elections are carried on under neutral control. Of course, first points 
Nos. 1, 3 and 6, must be settled, otherwise no sane government will 
dare to take the risk. You do not stake the fate of a nation at a 
game of poker. 

NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS. 

National consciousness is a very important branch of ethnology, 
much more so than linguistic, which some statesmen like to apply 
instead of historical and ethnographical rights of Poles to various 
parts of Poland. 

Thanks to Bismarck, Berg, Mouravieff, Arch-Duke Ferdinand 
D'Este, Drentelm and others less known, but who in the history of 
Poland will remain as synonyms of bestial persecution, thanks to 
them, we have to-day true Poles in every part of Poland. It is an 
acknowledged fact that persecution is the worst method to obtain 
success, it always leads to failure. 

Frederick the Great was the first to start persecution of Poles in 
Silesia, shortly after he conquered that province in 1742. After the 
first partition of Poland in 1772, he employed the same method of 
treatment of Poles in West Prussia. Here he started a colonization 
scheme by settling Germans on Crown Lands or those belonging to the 
Church (and which he appropriated). The first 7,000 settlers were 
exclusively his veteran soldiers. A strange idea came into the head of 
that monarch, to give to each one of his soldiers a Polish girl as a 
wife. His new subjects, the Polish peasants, were obliged not only 
to supply the desired number of girls, but even to give them a suitable 
dowry. It is needless for me to explain that such method of coloniza- 
tion did not bring for the Germans expected results. On the other 
hand, it helped the Polish greatly. The Polish people decided to cling 
stubbornly to their language and their soil. Frederick the Great made 
them Poles. Austria, in annexed territory, followed Prussian example, 
and started to persecute the Poles. In that country" the Poles were 
bitterly persecuted and oppressed up to the year following the defeat 
of Austria by Prussia at Sadowa (1866). Then a kind of provincial 
autonomy was granted. A change of policy followed. Instead of 
persecution followed a method of assimilation. Of course the Austrian 
maxim "Divide et Impera" (Divide and Rule), was not forgotten. To 
poison the spirit and mind of the people, schools, colleges and literature 



27 



were used. For this reason there is not a single book about the influence 
of Habsbourg on Polish history. 

The Russians at the start did not persecute much, besides they 
never were able to do anything systematically. They tried to stop 
mental development, and regarded education as their principal enemy, 
then started religious persecution. When among the Polish nobility 
a strong movement developed for the abolition of serfdom, a reform 
objected to by all Russian landowners of the whole Russian Empire, 
Czar Nicholas severely forbade anyone to even mention innovation. To 
Szymon Konarski and his companion belong the honor (1840) to be the 
first martyrs for freedom of the Polish peasants. 

The fact that most of the Polish landowners decided in 1861 
in Warsaw to abolish the serfdom in Poland (Congress Poland) and 
Lithuania (Province of Grodno, Kovno, Vilna, Vitebsk, Mohiloff and 
Minsk) and Podolia, Volhynia and Kiev, was one of the reasons why 
revolution was forced on Poles by deliberate prosecution. But still 
the "golden letter" abolishing serfdom was published in Warsaw in 
January, 1863, by the Polish Government, as an expression of the wish 
of the Polish nobility. The Czar's ukase was only published after the 
reception of a copy of the "golden letter." Certainly the abolition of 
the serfdom was forced by the Poles on Russia. Czar Alexander II. 
in the eyes of the world is still regarded as the liberator of the peasants 
of Poland and Russia. 350,000 Poles, half of them belonging to the 
nobility, were killed in battles (1863-5) or sent to the Siberian mines, 
or perished on gallows. 

In this revolution the peasants of Lithuania — Lithuanians or 
White Ruthenians — fought side by side with the Poles against Rus- 
sians, giving proof by their deeds of national consciousness. Terrible 
persecution and repression followed. This time diabolically planned, 
all Catholics were called Poles, and as such were subject to special war 
contribution, called "Special Tax from People of Polish Descent." 
Poles who happened to be Protestant or Orthodox were left free and 
permitted to enjoy such privileges as were granted to Russians. By 
that scheme they divided the Catholic Poles from those of other de- 
nominations, thereby sowing hatred and envy among people of the same 
race, who happened to be of different religious belief. Meanwhile the 
Polish national consciousness in Silesia was dormant, and probably 
would have remained so if Bismarck did not start his persecutions of 
the Catholics in May, 1872. That so-called by Windhorst "Kultur- 



28 



Kampf" affected all Prussian-Poland. This movement, although it 
struck Poland at the heart, cannot be classed as purely anti-Polish ; it 
was a part of Bismarck's general policy, and was aimed against 
German Catholicism in general, not against Polish Catholicism in 
particular. The "Kultur-Kampf" served to strengthen among the 
Poles not only their faith, but their national consciousness. It widened 
the breach between Poles and Germans. It directly affected inter- 
marriage, marriages between Poles and Germans having indeed never 
ceased since then to diminish in number. The struggle between Polish 
National sentiment and the Prussian Government may be said to have 
begun in earnest after the "Kultur-Kampf'' had practically suspended 
its activities. It was then that the Germanization of the schools was 
taken seriously in hand. The Polish language, after having been 
entirely banished from the secondary schools, was excluded from 
Elementary Schools by a ministerial decree, Sept. 7th, 1887. After 
that date, it could only be used outside the school curriculum, or for 
the imparting of religious instructions. In 1905 even this poor priv- 
ilege disappeared, and now the sound of the Polish language is no 
longer heard in Polish village schools, where Polish rate-payers must 
pay perforce, to have their children taught the Catechism in a strange, 
to them almost unintelligible tongue. In the Province of Posen a chil- 
dren's strike ensued. In the course of a year some 100,000 children 
refused to be taught religion in a foreign language; whereupon the 
Government issued a circular commanding the punishment of these 
young offenders. First the parents were taken in hand and heavily 
fined, next the children were dealt with by the teachers and flogged 
without mercy. The brutality shown at Wreschen in particular, 
aroused for a brief instant the indignation of the European press which, 
thrilled with horror at the thought that little children could, in our 
enlightened days, be crippled for life or even killed outright for patri- 
otic faith, raised a passing outcry and then — forgot. 

These persecutions did not only help to raise Polish patriotism 
among Poles belonging to the Catholic Church, but spread to those in 
East Prussia, which were mostly Protestant. Here the Protestant 
Clergy undertook the work of making Poles out of Polish-speaking 
Germans. Many pamphlets, books and periodicals were published. 
One of them existing up to the present day is published in the Regency 
of Allenstein, "Zwiastum Ewangielicki" (Evangelical Herald) and 
has a post office circulation of over 100,000. It is printed in the Mazu- 



29 



vian dialect, spoken in that part of Prussia (also in Russian-Poland 
in the Province of Plock). 

In spite of all oppression, the Polish element did not diminish 
neither in Posen, West or East Prussia, but everywhere, especially in 
Silesia, it was growing. The Poles went to America, to Westphalia 
and sent home savings. Since then the Polish moral uplift started to 
increase. They tried new fields and went into commerce. 

In 1886 Bismarck forced through the Prussian Parliament the 
first colonization bill. A Royal Commission for the Colonization of 
the Eastern Marches was empowered to purchase Polish lands and 
convert them into German settlements. For this purpose, credit of 
100 million marks was voted which, by successive installments, reached 
a total little short of 1,000 millions Here was war undisguised, the 
challenge was accepted. Let it be understood that commerce and 
industry were at that time but feebly developed in Prussian-Poland. 
It was the earth that fed the Pole ; nurse as well as mother, the earth 
represented his whole existence. Wrench a Pole from his soil and you 
send him adrift, like a leaf torn from its tree, to do battle with unknown 
winds. This new law was not aimed primarily at the rich landowner, 
but at the son of the soil. It was intended to dismay the peasant- 
owner of humble acres, to drive the poor hired laborer afield. 

The Pole was struck, therefore, at his most vulnerable point. He 
had already been forced by poverty to sell land; between the years 
1861 and 1886, Polish property in Posnania had diminished by some 
730,000 acres (293,378 hectacres). The Commission, between 1886 
and 1897 bought 335,383 hectacres. And yet the total acerage of 
property in Polish hands was not seen to diminish. Once more repres- 
sion had been met by self-defense. Private enterprise, admirably 
organized, had met the Royal Commission on its own ground; the Pole 
had commenced buying out the German proprietor settled in Posnania, 
and presently the Pole bought out the German a little faster than the 
German bought out the Pole. Between 1897 and 1900 the Germans 
bought 32,697 hectacres, and the Poles 53,314 — a net gain of 30,617 
hectacres. The government seeing that their policy was not a success, 
they passed a new law in 1906 and 1907 giving the right of preemption 
to the government and forbidding Poles to buy land in certain districts. 

In March, 1908, the most infamous law was passed; the Expro- 
priation Bill. It gave the right to the government to buy any piece of 
land they chose. As bad as all these laws were, they helped to build 



30 



and strengthen Polish National Consciousness, and now we have 
Polish Deputies from such districts where, notwithstanding their 
numerical majority, before we did not have through division of votes. 
Persecution helped the Prussian-Poles to unite against their common 
enemy, the Germans. The Polish people were fighting for their exist- 
ence, helped by a powerful and numerous press. Some of the papers 
like "Katolik" from Beuthen (-By torn) a thrice-weekly paper, had 
over 200,000 circulation. No wonder, that when the European War 
started not a single Polish Deputy dared to be present at the opening 
sitting of the German Parliament, because the Poles, under German 
rule, remained loyal but neutral. They were glad that at last there 
was an European War, as war only — European War at that — could 
bring them Freedom. During the whole War they behaved splendidly, 
helping their suffering brothers in Russian and Austrian-Poland in 
the most generous way. The behavior of the Austrian-Poland people 
was also very good, so everybody hated there the Russians, but still 
when they came, they were obliged to recognize that the Polish popula- 
tion, while receiving them without enthusiasm, behaved well. It is only 
the Austrian who complained, because as the Socialist members of the 
Austrian Parliament say, they hanged 30,000 inhabitants of Galicia 
The official Austrian returns acknowledge 14,300 executions. 

In Russian-Poland, the Austrian and Germans expected shortly 
after the beginning of the War a general outbreak of revolution against 
the Russians. German and Austrian Agents were preparing for such, 
since 1905. Nothing happened. The Poles under the Russian rule 
passed the hard examination test. They have the right to claim pos- 
session of National Consciousness. 

ETHNOGRAPHY AND STATISTICS. 

If ethnography alone was taken as a basis of deciding the fate 
Poland claims, she would not only get what she really wants, but even 
that which she actually does not want. The Poles are not at all anx- 
ious to get as many districts as by right of history, ethnography and 
its kindred sciences ethnology and antropology, they are entitled to. 
They do not want anything that may help the German peaceful pene- 
tration. For this reason they claim and want only such parts as they 
perfectly are Polish — not only historically, but nationally or such as 
enter between other parts and must, of course, be included. 



31 



Ethnographically all Prussia, Silesia and Pomerania are Slavish- 
Polish — in fact 95% of the total born population of above named 
population. But as not all possess Polish national consciousness, some 
having become Germanized, they need time to awaken to the fact that 
after all they are Slavs. 

In 1866 * Germany had over six million people of the Slav race, 
over three-quarters of them living in the kingdom of Prussia. How 
many more are there to-day? The difficulties of getting the actual 
number of Poles in Germany are great. First to hide the truth they 
devide the Poles into: Poles, Kabatki, Kassubian and Mazurs. As if 
each of them was a different nationality and not the very same one. 
Then continuous contradictions are found, under Slaven they mention 
that there are over one and a half million Protestant Slavs mostly 
Vends. Vends live exclusively in Brandenburg, part of Saxony and 
Silesia. You would expect to find, looking for Vends, seven hundred 
and fifty thousands; not so, only a hundred and twenty thousand 
are given. Then if you try to locate the Polish population in different 
other provinces you still find the same discrepancies. Under Mazuren f 
it is shown that they are Protestant, and live mostly near the Mazurian 
Lakes. Their number is given as 195,744. Knowing that their 
paper, "Zwiastun," has over 100,000 circulation, it is necessary to 
suppose that Mazurian children were such great patriots that even 
being in cradle they read and subscribe to that paper. Looking over 
"Deutschland" on page 662, column 2nd of volume No. II., we find 
385,779 Mazurians all Protestant except 12,000 Catholics, and that 
they lived mostly in villages around the Mazurian Lakes and that they 
speak "Verderbtes Polnisch" (bad Polish). Dealing again with these 
Kassubian figures for same year can be made anywhere from one 
hundred and seventy thousand up to two hundrd and thirty thousand, 
using same reference book, only different parts of it, and then find that 
still there are the Kabatki, their kinsmen and the reader is referred 
to Slovincen, where he finds that they ceased to exist long ago, at least 
disappeard officially. 

The reason for all such padding is, that in Germany the official 
government wanted to show that there are very few Poles, if any. 
Again, Ostmarkverein, an organization formed under Bismarck's influ- 
ence, still desired to point out to Germans that the Poles are strong in 
the Eastern marches. 

* Grand Dictionaire, Pierre Larouse. 

f Brockhaus Conversazion Lexikon, 14th Ed., Leipzig. 



32 



For political reasons we have three or even four statistics to 
reckon with — official census, school statistical returns, electoral voter 
returns by nationalities, Polish statistics used in Parliament on ques- 
tions pertaining to Prussian Poland, and never officially denied. The 
official census returns, of course, not only include all floating popula- 
tion and army (five army corps — some a hundred and eight thousand) 
but intentionally falsified. Since May 15th, 1908, the use of Polish 
has been forbidden at all public meetings where the Poles do not exceed 
sixty per cent, of the population. That was one of the principal reasons 
for padding of census returns. 

When at the Congress of Vienna, 1815, Prussia definitely acquired 
her present share of Polish territory, King Friedrich Wilhelm prom- 
ised for himself and his successors, "on my kingly word" that the 
Poles should have religious freedom, the use of Polish the language in 
administration in the law courts and in the schools, and be in all 
respects on an equality with their German fellow citizens. You can 
judge the value of his German promises. As the census takers are 
usually German officials or settlers, who are receiving special extra 
pay (Ostmarken Zulage) for the unpleasant task of Pole-worrying, 
they do it as a part of their regular duty. 

The Polish population of Prussia is distributed over four Prus- 
sian Provinces: (1) Silesia, (2) Posen, (3) West Prussia, and (4) 
East Prussia. Each of these provinces has a different historical past, 
a different social structure, and a different racial percentage. Two of 
them, Silesia and Posen, are the cradles of the Polish nation and have 
been inhabited by Poles since prehistoric times. Unfortunately, in 
Silesia all nobility is now Germanized, but the working people espe- 
cially of upper Silesia are Polish. 

UPPER SILESIA. 

Such German works as Meyer's "Lexikon" plainly concede to Poles 
all Upper Silesia and eastern part of the Middle Silesia, Festenberg 
and such districts as show on the linguistic charts as Polish-speak- 
ing country. Upper Silesia is one of the three regencies into which 
that Province is divided, the administrative centre is in Oppeln 
(Opole). Its extent is 5,107 square miles. According to official census 
for 1910, it has a population of 2,207,981 of which, according to that 
return, 1,258,138 or 57% are Poles. The official statistics compiled by 



33 



the school authorities for 1911 show Poles 1,548,500 and only 588,000 
Germans. 

The eastern parts of Middle and Lower Silesia which should be 
included in Poland will have a population of 250,000, over 65% Poles, 
and an area of about 1,200 square miles. All these districts are adjoin- 
ing the Province of Posen. 

The remainder of Silesia is too much Germanized to be a desir- 
able addition to Poland. But the Czech would do well to annex the 
County of Glatz, part of the Regency of Lignitz, and also Upper 
Lusatia with the towns of Bautzen, shown on the chart white, as they 
are inhabited by Slavs. The density of population in Upper Silesia 
is 432.3 per square mile, nowhere else in Poland equalled. 

POSEN. 

The Province of Posen is inhabited by genuine Polish element 
indigenous to the country. Its landed nobility is Polish as well as the 
middle classes and the whole people. The number of Jews is very 
small as they emigrated to other parts of Germany, not being able to 
stand the German rule. Posen, or as the Poles call it, the Grand 
Duchy of Posen, in 1910 had 11,191 square miles and a total popula- 
tion of 2,099,831; 1,290,761 Poles, 806,720 Germans. According to 
school statistics (1911) 1,463,000 Poles, 63.32% and 673,000 Germans. 
Parliamentary statistics add 5% more in some districts as it is impos- 
sible to believe that Germans voted for a Pole. The President of the 
Province of Posen stated himself that in the City of Posen, the Prus- 
sian (of course German) officials and their families form 22% of that 
city's population. Density of population 187.6 per square mile. 

WEST PRUSSIA. 

This Province, before the partition of Poland, was called Royal 
Prussia, and that of which Koenigsburg is the capital "Ducal." From 
the possssion of this Province depends the future of Poland, as it is 
Poland's only access to the sea. It was 9,864 square miles and (1910) 
1,703,474 population; 640,123 Poles and 1,037,943 Germans. School 
returns (1911) 754,500 Poles, 949,000 Germans, which number in- 
cludes over 35,000 soldiers and numerous officials from the coast patrol. 
How unreliable the official returns are can be shown by the fact that in 



34 



V 



the district of Neustadt, in the census of 1890 showed 37.8% Polish 
population, while the present return and that of 1900 only show 0.12%. 
It is only necessary to go there and see that on the whole coast the 
people, mostly fishermen or amberdiggers, are Poles — Kassubians. 
But as Danzig is the capital of the Province, the Germans wanted to 
show that the Province is German. No one denies that the majority of 
the inhabitants of the city are Germans, so they were when the city was 
a part of Poland, but the Polish sentiment is there. It is a city tradition. 
Danzig-Polish means Danzig prosperous, and that counts something 
to men to keep memory green. In this Province there were 
858,000 Catholics of which 90% were Poles, and to that number we 
must add 40,000 Mazurians which are Protestants, then we will find 
that the Poles form over 60% of the population, excluding Officials and 
Army in the City of Danzig, and in the rural part form between 70 
and 75%. This Province is one of those selected for extermination of 
Poles through expropriation. The density of population is 172.8 
per square mile, to it adjoins the Counties of Lauenberg and Butow, 
in Pomerania, where between the Rivers Leba and Stolpe live one 
hundred thousand Poles called Kabatki, adjoining the 230,000 Kassu- 
bians, located between Pomerania and Vistula on the coast of the 
Baltic Sea. These industrious fishermen * should not be forgotten and 
ought to be included in the borders of Poland. 

EAST PRUSSIA. 

Whole East Prussia has a population (1910) of 2,064,175, divided 
into three Regencies, that of Gumbinnen, mostly inhabited by Lithu- 
anians, has only, according to official statistics, 20% Poles, but fortu- 
nately they all live together in a compact mass, east of the Mazurian 
Lakes, on the border of the Kingdom of Poland. According to 
Brockhaus, east of the line drawn from the Labiau to Grodno are living 
the Lithuanians. That line just divides nicely the Poles from their 
neighbors the Lithuanians. We are fortunate again, that another 
group of Poles are living again in a compact body east of West Prus- 
sia, on the coast of Frisches Haff, up to nearly 15 miles west of 
Koenigsberg. Both these parts will give us 300,000 inhabitants and 

* The Germans believe that Polish national consciousness does not exist 
there, but how can they explain, then, the action of Mr. Charles M. Schwab, of 
Bethlehem, Pa., of Kassubian descent, whom they regarded as German, so 
he devoted his fortunes to help the Allies, right from the beginning of the 
great War? 



35 



some 2,000 square miles in addition to the Regency of Allenstein, 
which has a population (1910) of 443,469, of which 267,831 are 
officially called Poles. School statistics give us other numbers — Poles, 
385,000 and Germans only 158,000. These figures, though not entirely 
correct, are nearer to it than anywhere else. Brockhaus and Meyer's 
"Lexikon" mark it plainly as Polish on their linguistic charts. The 
density of population is exceptionally small, only 117.15 per square 
mile. 

In East Prussia the Poles could not buy land and the Germans did 
not want it. Before finishing with Poland's western borders, I will 
point out one little known fact — the negligent quantity of foreigners 
living in Prussian Poland. The German Government issued a law in 
1886 permitting the police to deport any foreigner without giving 
reasons for their action. In 1886 — as laestige Fremde (undesirable 
aliens) some 40,000 Russian Poles, long year residents, who had busi- 
ness in Prussian-Poland were deported. Since that time foreigners 
only staying for a short time were tolerated. 

GALICIA, ZIPS, AND AUSTRIAN SILESIA. 

As no one is thinking of denying the right of Poland to Russian- 
Poland (formed by Vienna Congress) I will deal now with Southern 
Borders. Austrian-Silesia is inhabited mostly by Poles, but there 
are also some Czechs. Probably a mutual friendly agreement will 
settle the question of borders. In 1900 there were 361,015 people and 
881 square miles. Density, 409.7 per square mile. Galicia in 1910 
had 8,029,387; out of that, 4,696,612 and 30,300 square miles. Density, 
264.9 per square mile. 

The Austrian, German and Russian agitation created a so-called 
Ukrainian question, pending settlement of that problem the best 
thing to do will be to leave them alone. In that case some 12,000 square 
miles with three millions of population must be deducted. Polish 
Galicia will include Lemberg, a Polish town. The dividing line will 
run somewhere from the Carpathian Mountains near Stanislau to 
Krasne west of Brody to Volhynia. South of Zakopane in Tatra 
Mountain are Poles in Zips, Arva and Poprad Valleys, who before the 
first partition belonged to Poland, and now have determined to join 
Poland. They number about 120,000 and their country is some 700 
square miles of high mountains and glaciers. 



36 



PODOLIA AND KIEV. 



In 1890 if the great War would have happened, there would be 
no Ukrainian question, but since that time matters have changed in 
Galicia. All the White, Red, Black and Little Russians or 
Ruthenians, to distinguish them from the non-Slav Grand Russians, at 
least ethnographically, are kinsmen of the Poles. If they used the 
same alphabet, the difference * of language would not be greater but 
perhaps smaller than it is between the English language as it is 
spoken, and the Cockney slang. Even now the Grand Russians within 
the Provinces of old Poland before its partition, including even Tzer- 
nigoff, Poltava and the Black Sea shore between Dneiper and Dniester, 
are numerically weak. They represent much less than any other 
nationality . 

Most of the large estates, notwithstanding persecution, are Polish. 
The town population mostly Jewish. In Kiev and Odessa 20% of 
inhabitants are Poles. On farms all officials are Poles, as are many 
farm hands. In Podolia are some Mazur settlements. 

Till the present War started the Poles and Ruthenians were on 
the best of terms, all hated the Russian Government. With intro- 
duction of Zemstvos (Provincial Council) Poles were elected to offices. 
The Russian Orthodox Clergy, mostly descendants of poor Polish nobil- 
ity, hated secretly the Russian Government, but still owing to the 
present conditions of those provinces with aggregate population of over 
seven and one-half millions and some 35,000 square miles, it is better 
to leave them alone, with the exception of the district of Radomysl in 
the Northwestern part of the Province of Kiev. For one who knows so 
well this part of ancient Poland, it is hard to give such advice, but 
it is based on personal knowledge. 

Three southeastern districts, the real "Ukraina" (border) have a 
very unruly population, hard to keep in hand in time of peace. In 
most of the estates owned by Russians like Mr. Tereschenko, (a Cabi- 
net Minister of Kerensky) whose father bought his for nothing, 
from Poles forced to sell by the government, and he owns over 200 
estates, there was continuous unrest, as the owner had the law at his 
disposal, twisted to suit his purpose. Lawlessness is contagious, it 
takes time to restore order even in such rich land as that, which has the 
best black soil under the sun. Poland herself is in ruin and cannot 
afford to police a big and rich country, and make enemies among those 
* Field Marshal Von Moltke "Ueber Polen," Leipzig. 1885. 



37 



who, sooner or later, ought to be her best customers and friends. 
Besides, if they abandon Eastern Galicia they ought to leave an access 
to the sea for her. 

VOLHYNIA AND LITHUANIA. 

As ethnographical Lithuania formed a Republic of her own, I 
will now deal with that part of historical Lithuania which has no 
Lithuanian population: that is Provinces of Vilna, less two districts; 
of Vitebsk, less three districts; of Mohileff, Grodno and Minsk. All 
told some eight and one-half millions of population and some 90,000 
square miles. It is impossible to give even a correct estimate of Poles. 
It is a fact that only in the Province of Vilna they are a numerical 
majority. They are very numerous in the Province of Grodno; in fact, 
in three districts are even seven-eigths Polish, others like the rest of 
Lithuania. Until 1893, return of Poles were issued in the provincial 
statistical publications. But with abolition of special Polish tax no 
correct returns were given. 

The Russian Government, by labelling all Poles Catholic, forgot 
that after forcefully converting millions of Greek Catholics, they made 
a large number of Poles officially Russians. In the first year of politi- 
cal freedom, 430,000 people declared to be Catholics and not Ortho- 
dox, people most of whom did not know what the difference is between 
one religion or the other, but who did not care to be called Russians. 

The whole northern part of the Province of Volhynia, the dis- 
trict of Radomysl of the Province of Kiev, as well as the Province of 
Minsk, some eastern districts excepted, Mohiloff and Vitebsk are cov- 
ered with villages,* descendants of the old Polish petty nobility. All 
woods are inhabited by so-called "budnik" who have a small farm, 
raise honey, pigs, burn charcoal, gather and dry mushrooms, make 
various home wooden implements and sell them all over Poland. What- 
ever language they speak, they do not know any language well. They 
are consciously Poles — whether Catholic or Orthodox. If they can 
read, they do read old Polish prayer books, kept as heirlooms. All 
are descendants of the best Polish families ; two millions or more poor 
nobles with titles and rights as good as those who came to England 
with William the Conqueror. They do not intermarry with peasants, 
and however poor they may be, they are always addressd by the 
latter as Mister (Pan.). That petty nobility which gave Poland so 

* Lavisse and Rambaud, Vol. VII., pages 458-9. 



38 




Map No. 4 is of Reborn Poland, but if the independence of Ukraina is not recog- 
nized, Poland's Eastern Frontier should be same as on Map No. 3, 
excluding- Moldavia. 



39 



many troubles in the past, now will save her eastern borders. If they 
do not form the majority everywhere., there example will be followed 
by the peasants. The determination to form a new Poland in Lithu- 
ania if Poland does not accept them comes from these people. 

Southern Volhynia comprises three districts, wholly, and parts of 
two others — the black belt is similar to Podolia. Cities like Zhitomir, 
Minsk, Grodno, and towns like Lutzk, Kovel are Polish with a large 
Jewish Polish-speaking population. The northern part of Volhynia 
Polesie is wooded. A line drawn from Galicia above Brody to Ostrog, 
then to the onlyMacadam road, Rovno, Kiev, somehow south of Korec, 
then from five to ten miles south of that road up to Korostyszev, then 
following the borders of the district of Radomysl to the Dnieper. Map 
No. 4 of Reborn Poland, as all Poles wish to have it, is of course subject 
to local adjustment, for geographical and even strictly local ethnological 
reasons, which may call for inclusion of a part of a district and exclu- 
sion of another. 



REBORN POLAND WILL INCLUDE. 



Name of Territory Date 
Prussian Possesions: 

Lauenburg and Butow, about.... 1910 

Upper Silesia 1910 

East Prussia from Reg. 

Gumbinnen and Koenigsberg. about 1910 

Grand Duchy of Posen 1910 

West Prussia 1910 

Regency of Allenstein in E. Prussia 1910 
Middle and Lower Silesia, about. . 

Austrian Possessions: 

Galicia, about 

Dist of Teschin, Austrian Silesia 1900 
Zips, about 

Russian Possessions: 

Kingdom of Poland (Congress) . . . 1909 
Vilna 
Grodno 
Mohiloff 
Vitebsk 
Minsk 
Volhynia 
Radomysl 



about 



(part) 



Extent in 
Sq. Miles 



700 
5,107 



2,000 
11,191 
9,864 
4,643 
1,200 



Total 



18,300 
881 
700 



49,003 



90,000 



15,000 
2,400 

210,989 



Total 
Population 



130,000 
2,207,981 



500,000 
2,099,831 
1,703,474 
543,469 
300,000 



5,000,000 
361,015 
120,000 



11,935,318 



8,500,000 



1,000,000 
150,000 

34,751,088 



40 



RECAPITULATION AND CONCLUSION. 

The western ethnographic and linguistic frontier of Poland would 
assign her Upper Silesia; a part of Middle and Lower Silesia, Grand 
Duchy of Posen; West Prussia with the Districts of Buetow (Bytow) 
and Lauenburg in Pomerania. This will of course, include Danzig, the 
Regency of Allenstein in East Prussia and some parts adjoining the 
Regencies of Koenigsberg and Gumbinen. A part of the two last 
named Regencies with Koenigsberg with a population of some 1,200,- 
000 would remain at the disposal of the Allied Powers. A rightful 
claim, ethnographically and linguistically, to a very large share of 
that territory has the Republic of Lithuania. The southern frontier of 
Poland will run practically as it is, except that Zips and a part of 
Austrian Silesia would be added. The eastern frontier largely found * 
herself by self-determination. 

Such Poland with access to the Baltic Sea, with rather a small 
frontage, but with a hinterland in one compact body, protected from 
the east by marshes, rivers and forest, from the south by mountains, 
will only have a very weak western frontier from the military point 
of view. Notwithstanding this with good government, after passing 
through a reconstruction and rebuilding period, Poland will become a 
strong and powerful state. A state able to take care of herself, as the 
Poles are considered one of the most prolific races it will soon be fairly 
well populated. By her size and population she will rank fifth nation 
of Europe. 

From political and military reasons, it would be desirable to 
create a small Republic of Koenigsberg, independent from Germany, 
under the Allied or even Lithuanian control. The trade with Lithuania 
will make that city prosperous, as the port of Riga in winter is frozen, 
and Libau has rather a very small harbor. 

There cannot be any justified opposition to the rightful claims of 
Poland, as she claims only what was her own. There is no reason 
whatever for making her sea frontage smaller, but there are many 
reasons other than military, for enlarging, rather than diminishing it. 

Historians attribute the disappearance of Poland from the map 
of Europe to many reasons, but always omit to give the true one — the 
Margrave of Brandenbourg. Since the Hohenzollerns became Vassals 
of Poland and owners of Brandenbourg, they schemed to join their 
provinces. That could be done only at Poland's expense. Since that 
* See Lithuania, page 59, Daily Mail Year Book, 1919. 



11 



day Poland's fate was sealed. Once the Hohenzollerns became masters 
of the sea-coast, they wanted to gain more hinterland to better protect 
it. That is the reason why various plans of conquest of Russian 
Poland since the Vienna Congress (1815) were prepared. 

Such Polish renegades as Generals K. Clausewitz and Brandt 1 
prepared and schemed such plans, which were executed in 1914. Ger- 
many opposed the principles of freedom and independence of nations, 
because such were detrimental to her national interest as owner 
of Koenigsberg. The reason for colonization of Prussian-Poland are 
given by Bismarck 2 as having in object the protection of Prussia and 
postponement to as far distant future the possibility of reappearance 
of the Polish problem. By means of colonization and Germanization 
to establish an unbreakable link between Koenigsberg and Germany. 

Bismarck, in a letter to his sister (March 26th, 1861)*, in a cynical 
way explains his future policy towards the Poles: "The Poles must 
be reduced and compelled to take life in disgust. I have compassion 
for them and for their situation, but if we wish to exist, we must ex- 
terminate them." "It is not the wolf's fault that nature made him a 
wolf." Prince Buelow gives similar reasons to justify why he forced 
the passage of the expropriation bill when Chancellor of Germany. 

Now the Allied Powers have means and power to make the wolf 
(Germany) an inoffensive lamb by giving Poland what she claims, 
and not merely creating a buffer state — helpless and powerless. The 
signatories of the Vienna Congress have a duty to correct ; their previous 
error done by refusing the union of Poland under Alexander I. rule. 
Now they have a chance to do justice to Poland. All Poles and all 
true friends of Poland ought to be watchful and not for a moment 
forget to use every opportunity to foster the Polish claim, based on 
just rights, as the friends of Germany will use all opportunities to 
nullify the Allies' victories by cunning work around the Peace Table. 
They will disseminate all kinds of stories about Poland and its 
representatives, who will find credulous people to believe in them. 
They will do their best to alienate the feelings of American and British 
people towards Poland. 

The Allied countries and neutrals have millions of dollars .invested 
in Germany, and of course they do not care to get a nickel for a dollar. 
Would you? Anything which helps Germany helps them. They will 

1 He was an Officer of the Polish Army during the Napoleonic wars. 

- Reflection and Reminiscences, Smith, Elder. 1908. 

* Fuerst Bismarck's Briefe, 1836-1872 (Von Kohl) Bielefeld, 1893. 



42 



tell you, "Poland did not take part in this War." Of course as a nation, 
only in the last moment, but it is not Poland's fault. In the Russian 
Armies there were 800,000 of Polish soldiers. Poles begged to be per- 
mitted to form an Army of their own, but when Russia refused to grant 
permission, neither France nor England could permit it. But still in 
1914, the Russian Army orders make honorable mention of Polish vol- 
unteer companies helping them near Radom. Still the very fact that 
the Poles for four years defied German orders and did not enlist in the 
army which Germany wanted to create is in itself an important or 
even more important fact, than the entry of Roumania into the War 
with a ready-made contract for spoils in hand. 

Poland does not envy or object to any one taking what he believes 
he has a right to take. Poland has nothing but goodwill toward others, 
but Poland has a right to insist on getting her own. If you leave 
Poland weak, you open the door for the Wolf. In time, the fruits of 
victories reported will be lost. What Germany lost in the West she 
will make up through peaceful penetration in the East. Then again 
Germany will have an opportunity to test her power. No, if you 
respect the memory of those who have given their lives on the battle- 
fields of France, for the sake of their memory insist that justice be 
done to Poland, as in that way you secure to the world — PEACE. Put 
theory into practice. 

With Reborn Poland a strong nation, you can be sure that 
Right not Might will rule in Europe. Poland as a nation has not 
done wrong to any other nation in the world. 

American Poles, it is your duty as American citizens, to remember 
that now Poland's fate is on trial. It is your duty towards the land 
of your forefathers to see that that part, especially in the border dis- 
tricts, is included in the boundaries of Reborn Poland. If you do not 
know how to do it, your U. S. A. Senator and Congressman will know. 
And you American Citizens of this great free country, you whose 
President was the first to raise openly and frankly the question of 
Poland's Freedom with an access to the Sea. To' your U. S. A. Sena- 
tor, Henry Cabot Lodge, belongs the honor to be the first to make a 
request that Poland ought to have Danzig. All lovers of Freedom 
and Justice should help Poland to get what she has a right to claim. 

Poland, the cradle of Democracy in Europe, when free will justify 
the faith which you have in her. 



43 



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